“Mujahid,”
for those unfamiliar, roughly translates to “jihadist warrior.” And
this particular handle belonged to a 19-year-old British-born guy by the
name of Abdullah, who happened to be both a supporter of the Islamic
State and a big Robin Williams fan.
Abdullah’s opinion of the fallen star unleashed a torrent of blog posts,
most of which marveled at the fact that a member of an organization
that openly beheads its enemies could also have the emotional capacity
to mourn a U.S. comedian on Twitter. But however surreal it was to watch
Hollywood actors and terrorist sympathizers tangle online, those
voyeuristic bloggers missed a larger point. That moment encapsulated a
key pillar of the group’s now infamous social media fortress: Spreading
extremist ideology doesn’t need to start with religious screeds and
beheadings. It starts — as a social media 101 instructor might say — by
simply taking part in the conversation.
How exactly did we go from the days of fuzzy, subtitled Osama bin Laden bootlegs to a Travel Channel-esque hub for propaganda and recruitment? As sophisticated as IS is at promoting its message on public platforms, it is deeply protective of its digital tradecraft. Here’s what we know:
Building a digital empire
IS runs all its communications through the official propaganda headquarters it launched in the spring of 2014, the Al-Hayat Media Center.
This is where skilled, well-paid IS supporters work with high-tech
equipment and the latest editing and design tools to produce recruitment
films, propaganda materials like its glossy magazine Dabiq and its most famous product: gruesome torture videos.
Though
this is the terrorist group’s central communications hub, its influence
extends to about 20 other branches spread out along IS’ claimed
territory, according to estimates by Daniel Cohen, a research associate
at the Institute for National Security Studies.
Local offices are able to take cues from the main center, but they also
have room to create location-specific content to more effectively
communicate to the fighters in those areas. For example, supporters in
France have access to Dar al Islam, IS’ French-language propaganda magazine. Aref Ali Nayed, the Libyan ambassador to the United Arab Emirates, put it well when he told the New York Times
that “the Islamists have been very clever at rebranding. They have
learned the franchising model from McDonald’s. They give you the
methodology, standards and propaganda material.”
Sheer
volume dictates that these centers cannot approve every piece of
IS-related social media that floats through the digital ether. Rather
than try to monitor each message from the community, the media centers
offer jihadist soldiers guidelines on the types of messages they should
post.
“From
the beginning, [members of IS] started to send pictures from Twitter,”
Cohen told Yahoo News. “They did it for purposeful recruitment. Instead
of showing the fights, they’d show people sitting and eating pizza in
their lockers. Or they’d show people watching TV together, playing
PlayStation together. They are targeting a young audience and speaking
to them in the same language, showing that it’s a pleasant place.”
Islamic State branding (via The Institute for National Security Studies)
It was perhaps the same genre of audience-based marketing that, in September, encouraged Western-based IS sympathizer
Anjem Choudary to tweet a short listicle titled “10 Facts from the
Islamic State that everyone should know.” (Number 7: “For every newly
married couples are given 700usd as a gift.”)
The
all-seeing Oz character who’s behind it has yet to be publicly
identified. Senior IS leader Abu Muhammad al-Adnani acts as Al-Hayat’s
main spokesperson and public face. However, he’s not widely believed to
also be the brains behind the operation.
“Usually
the people up on the frontlines aren’t the strategist,” Cohen said.
“Just like a McDonald’s ad campaign. Someone came up with the concept
and the script. But they’re never the same person who stars in the
commercial.”
More on:http://news.yahoo.com
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